Canada–China relations - Wikipedia
China is a major source country for immigrants to Canada. and Canadians in China: The Human Platform for Relationships between China and Canada . In ethnic Chinese were most visible in the provinces of British Columbia (ten. In developing the treaty, the British government nominated as one of its five Canada's relationship with the Empire found a focus in the series of . in aggression against China, and Italy was preparing to attack Ethiopia. Canada and the United Kingdom have a profound and positive relationship.
An important landmark was the Treaty of Washington inwhich resolved dangerous issues between Britain and the US left over from the American Civil War. In developing the treaty, the British government nominated as one of its five negotiators Prime Minister John A. This recognized both Canada's growing status and its concern with the issues; but Macdonald was present as a British delegate, not as a representative of his country.
Macdonald had serious disagreements with his British associates, particularly over the Atlantic fisheries. Although unhappy over this aspect of the treaty, he signed it; and the treaty was advantageous to Canada in other ways, because it restored friendly relations between the British Empire and the US.
In the Liberal government of Prime Minister Alexander Mackenzie prevailed on Britain to accredit George Brown along with the British ambassador in Washington to seek a reciprocity treaty similar to that ofwhich the US had terminated in Macdonald and his colleagues had tried for this inwithout success.
Macdonald, on returning to power in Septemberenacted the National Policy. Tariff reciprocity with the US continued to be a Canadian goal, but successive American administrations gave no encouragement. Trade policy remained Canada's most persistent problem with the US, with fishery troubles a close second. Inwith Britain's reluctant consent, Alexander Galt was appointed Canadian high commissioner in London. He had no official diplomatic status, however. No further development of Canadian representation abroad took place until after the First World War.
Imperial Relations In the latter part of Queen Victoria 's reign, British anti-imperialism reflected in the withdrawal of British army garrisons from central Canada in had given place to support for the Empire, at least in English-speaking Canada. Imperialism gave an outlet to the growing nationalism, and the desire to play an expanding part in the world. When British General C. Gordon's forces were cut off in Khartoum, Sudan inthere was considerable demand in Canada for a contingent to go to Africa to assist the British.
Macdonald deliberately damped this down. But when Britain sought to raise at its own expense a body of Canadian voyageurs to help a rescue expedition find its way up the Nile River see Nile Expeditionno objection was made. The beginning of the South African War in raised more serious questions. On the question of contributing a contingent of soldiers, Cabinet was deeply divided.
Ultimately, Laurier was forced by the majority to send a battalion of volunteers. Canada's first contingent held its own and helped the British Army achieve its first victory of the war.
Further volunteer contingents followed. By the end of the conflict inCanadian troops had distinguished themselves in a foreign war for the first time — which fueled an emerging sense that Canada could and should speak with an independent voice on the world stage, apart from Britain. In while in opposition, the Laurier Liberals had adopted "Unrestricted Reciprocity"; on it they fought and lost the election ofMacdonald's last victory. Thereafter the Liberals abandoned unrestricted reciprocity.
When the Liberals finally took power under Laurier inthe government would come to grief, in due course, over reciprocity, but meanwhile he had to confront the Alaska Boundary Disputethe last great boundary dispute between Canada and the US. This old controversy acquired new importance during the Klondike Gold Rush. The handling of the dispute by US President Theodore Roosevelt aroused bitter resentment in Canada, as did the behaviour of British representative Lord Alverstone, who voted with the Americans when the tribunal on the issue met.
Nevertheless, as with the Treaty of Washingtonthis settlement served Canada's paramount interest — by removing an obstacle to friendly relations between the British Empire and the US. Naval Controversy Canada's relationship with the Empire found a focus in the series of Colonial and Imperial Conferencesthe first of which was held in London in During the British Prime Minister Lord Salisbury's governmentthe colonial secretary was the energetic Joseph Chamberlain, who envisaged an Empire more organized and centralized than the informal affair that had grown up.
In Laurier, Chamberlain met a determined defender of the status quo. Laurier regularly declared that Canada was well satisfied with things as they were and had no demands to make; Canada had its autonomy and intended to keep it. After the turn of the century, the menace presented by the growing German navy led to demands both in Canada and Britain for some Canadian naval assistance. Laurier's ultimate response was not a contribution to the Royal Navy but the beginnings of an autonomous Canadian navyprovided for by the Naval Service Act of The general election of turned to an unprecedented extent on foreign policy.
Robert Bordenthe Conservative leader, played down the issue during the campaign, not wishing to expose divisions among his own supporters. Foreign Policy and the Election Elsewhere the biggest election issue was reciprocity with the US. The agricultural West had been pressing for freer trade, along with similar agitation in the US. The result had been the reciprocity agreement which provided for free trade in a wide range of agricultural products and a limited number of manufactured goods.
Violent nationalistic opposition developed against this measure; manufacturers assailed it as a menace to Canadian industry, and it was claimed that it would open the door to political union with the US. Laurier lost the election, and Borden became prime minister.
Where Laurier had sought to stand aside from imperial entanglements, and had asserted no claim to influence in the imperial system, Borden was prepared to participate but attempted to exact a price. In England inhe told British statesmen that Canadians would now expect "a voice" in the formation of imperial policy. When later that year he proposed that Canada should contribute three battleships to the Royal Navy, he clearly expected a quid pro quo in the form of such influence.
Britain's Liberal government was loath to commit itself; and the Canadian Senate still controlled by the Liberals rejected Borden's naval contribution bill. Canada was automatically at war when Britain went to war against Germany and Austria-Hungary.
- Canadian Foreign Relations
- Canada–Hong Kong relations
Most of Canada was united behind the decision of Borden 's government to actively support Britain and dispatch a Canadian Expeditionary Force. Over the next four years, nearly 61, Canadians would die overseas, and the country's soldiers would distinguish themselves at battlefields such as Ypres, the Somme, Vimy Ridge, and Amiens. Such sacrifice would present a stronger argument than ever before for a Canadian "voice" in the making of foreign policy.
From tohowever, British Prime Minister H. Asquith still had nothing to offer. He realized that Canada, Australia and the other Dominions of the Empire could not be expected to continue making sacrifices without being called to Britain's councils.
He therefore summoned Dominion leaders to an Imperial War Cabinet and an Imperial War Conference, which first met in Marchand between them discussed both the conduct of the war and imperial matters generally. In April the Conference passed Resolution IX — largely Borden's work — which placed on record the opinion that any postwar adjustment of constitutional relations "should be based upon a full recognition of the Dominions as autonomous nations of an Imperial Commonwealth," and should give the Dominions and India "an adequate voice in foreign policy.
Largely thanks to Borden's insistence, the Dominions were accorded what amounted to dual representation in Paris: In both capacities Canada signed the Treaty of Versailles and became a member of the League of Nations whose covenant was part of the Treaty. Thus the country acquired a new international status, won by its soldiers on the battlefield and confirmed by its statesmen's strong efforts at the conference table.
Creation of Department of External Affairs A small Department of External Affairs had been created in Ottawa by statute inprincipally to ensure the businesslike conduct of the country's foreign concerns. Inan amendment made the prime minister also secretary of state for external affairs, an arrangement that lasted until For many years the department's most important official was Loring C.
Christieappointed by Borden in with the title of legal adviser. He was Borden's confidential assistant at the Imperial War Cabinet and the Paris Peace Conference, and a major contributor to the national achievements of the period.
When in July Borden retired and Arthur Meighen became prime minister, Christie remained as Meighen's trusted adviser. This conference proceeded on the general assumption that it was desirable that the Empire should pursue a common foreign policy arrived at by consultation. Difficulties arose, however, over the renewal of the Anglo-Japanese alliance. Meigheninfluenced by Christieargued that the alliance constituted a serious obstacle to amicable relations with the US, so vital to the Empire and particularly to Canada; whereas Australia regarded the alliance as important to its security.
A disastrous break was avoided by Lloyd George's diplomatic tactics; at the subsequent Washington Conference of attended by Borden and Christiethe Anglo-Japanese alliance was abandoned, to be replaced by a four-power treaty signed by Britain, the US, Japan and France, which agreed to respect one another's rights and possessions in the Pacific.
This conference was the last important occasion when a British Empire delegation functioned as a unit at an international negotiation. Although foreign policy was not a major issue in the election, in fact would change Canada's foreign policy even more than did the election of The result was the abandonment of unified diplomacy in partnership with the other countries of the Commonwealthand the substitution of a separate national foreign policy.
At the Paris Peace Conference, Canada had been recognized both as a member country of the British Empire and as a separate nation; King's policies consistently emphasized the separate nation aspect at the expense of imperial aspect.
Christie was frozen out of the Department of External Affairs in and lost his influence. His successor as the prime minister's confidential advisor was O. Skeltonwho became undersecretary in and held that appointment until his death in Skelton was not the deviser of King's policies, which were well developed before Skelton joined him, nor were their opinions exactly the same. King was an admirer of British institutions and practices, and unlike Skelton, always considered that in another world war Canada would have to stand by Britain.
But King and Skelton entirely agreed in rejecting a common foreign policy for the Commonwealth and maintaining that in normal conditions Canada and Britain should pursue their own policies. Skelton was Mackenzie King's top civil service adviser on foreign and domestic affairs.
The Chanak Affair ofwith its bungled British request for a Canadian expeditionary force, had provided only too convincing a background for King's attitude. And he had given a striking example of his view of policy when in March he insisted that the Halibut Treaty with the US be signed by Canada alone, without the traditional participation of the British ambassador.
He was delighted when the Imperial Conference accepted this procedure as normal. An arrangement for this had in fact been made in Borden's time, but no action had been taken.
Legations were also opened in France in and Japan in Early in missions were established in Belgium and the Netherlands served by the same envoy ; this was the extent of Canadian representation abroad before the Second World War. Canada's relations with the League of Nations began at Paris in with an effort to weaken Article 10 of the covenant, which bound members to defend the territorial integrity and independence of all other members. That year a resolution was put forward, leaving to each member the decision as to how far it was bound to use force in fulfilment of Article The resolution failed to produce the necessary unanimous support in the assembly by only one vote, thus damaging the idea that international security was now a collective responsibility.
In Canada was elected to a non-permanent seat on the League Council, with the reluctant assent of King, who feared unnecessary commitments and complications. Statute of Westminster The Imperial Conference of resulted in a formal widening of Dominion autonomy. South Africa insisted on a definition of Britain's relation with the Dominions.
The result was the Balfour Report which led to the Statute of Westminstergiving the Dominions complete legislative independence so far as they desired it. In Canada's case this stopped short of the right to amend its own constitutionthe core of which was found in the British North America Act. It ended only with the Constitution Act, The word "independence" is not found in the Statute of Westminster.
King would not hear of it in the discussions of ; but Canada's full independence may be said to date from that statute, on 11 December Bennett to power in the election.
Bennett, motivated by the desperate state of the economy, raised the import tariff, primarily as retaliation against the new American Hawley-Smoot tariff, though rates for British imports into Canada were also raised. At the Imperial Conference of he made a dramatic gesture, inviting the delegates to a special economic conference at Ottawa and proposing, not a general reduction of imperial rates, but a 10 per cent increase in rates levied against countries outside the Commonwealth.
British politicians saw how little the offer was worth; nevertheless, the Imperial Economic Conference finally met at Ottawa in see Ottawa Agreements in hopes that something might be done to alleviate the Depression. Bennett, theoretically an imperialist, was in fact an economic nationalist of the first order. The Anglo-Canadian trade agreement made at the Conference contained some concessions on both sides.
But the achievement was much less than optimists had hoped, and there was ill will between British and Canadian negotiators. Second World War As the general election of approached, the world situation was worsening.
Hitler had come to power in Germany inJapan was engaged in aggression against China, and Italy was preparing to attack Ethiopia. In other words, nearly half of all ethnic Chinese in Canada were naturalized citizens, with Canadian identity and values created and shaped during the process of immigration and naturalization. For these individuals Canadian citizenship is a formal recognition that Canada has accepted them as Canadians.
Naturalized Chinese Canadians should be treated equally with other naturalized citizens. In other words, nearly half of all Chinese immigrants in Canada are likely to have nothing to do with mainland China.
When Raphael brought this Chinese team to the Vancouver Winter Olympics inshould this still have been an issue? According to the Ethnic Diversity Survey conducted by Statistics Canada, in partnership with the Department of Canadian Heritage, in seventy-six percent of Canadians of Chinese origin felt a strong sense of belonging to Canada, and fifty-eight percent said that at the same time they had a strong sense of belonging to their ethnic or cultural group.
The survey also showed that Canadians of Chinese origin are active in Canadian society. For example, sixty-four percent of those who were eligible to vote reported doing so in the federal general election inwhile sixty percent said that they had voted in the most recent provincial election.
In addition, about thirty-five percent reported that they had participated in an organization such as a sports team or a community association in the twelve months preceding the taking of the survey. However, 34 percent of Canadians of Chinese origin reported that they had experienced discrimination or unfair treatment based on their ethnicity, race, religion, language or accent in the past five years or since their arrival in Canada. Of those who had experienced discrimination, sixty-three percent said that they felt it was based on their race or skin colour, while forty-two percent said that the discrimination had taken place at work or when applying for a job or promotion.
Understanding Canadian Communities in China 38The remaining policy challenge is to understand Canadian communities in China, which have been growing for many reasons. Although the exact number remains unknown, the best estimate puts the number of Canadians in mainland China and Hong Kong at betweenand , and thus significantly larger than the population of a medium-sized Canadian city such as Saskatoon or Windsor, Ontario see Zhang and Guo Canada cannot afford to ignore the fact that so many Canadians live in China.
How Canada can turn its diaspora in China into an advantage is at the core of this huge challenge. Canadians have to change their mindset to accept the fact that the flow of people moves in two directions. Canada must learn to respect the fact that Canadians, native-born or naturalized, are more internationally mobile than ever before and that many wish to live abroad.
When they settle down in Beijing or in another city, Canada must learn to treat them the same as any other Canadians in terms of their rights and obligations. For one thing, Ottawa should consider changing the current rules that do not allow overseas citizens to vote in Canadian elections after they have lived abroad for five years.
Canada should also consider creating political mechanisms that would represent overseas citizens at the federal and provincial levels. This would significantly encourage political and civic participation by all Canadians, including citizens residing abroad. The views of Canadian communities in China should also be taken into account in Sino-Canadian policy-making.
Canada must develop a consultation and communication process with Canadians living overseas, to keep them involved and informed of any changes in citizenship laws or rules regulating their movement across borders, and listen to their needs, including their need for consular protection and other services. This would also ensure that any risks associated with Canadians abroad are properly assessed and addressed.
Traditionally, diaspora communities have contributed significantly to their home countries through remittances India, Mexico and the Philippinestrade and investment China and South Koreaand technology transfers Taiwan, South Korea and China.
Canada–Hong Kong relations - Wikipedia
This is a new task for Canadian policy-makers and members of the business community. Conclusion 44The turn of the 21st century witnessed growing flows of people from China to Canada.
Greater freedom of movement in and out of China, and the growing affluence of Chinese citizens, are combining to bring about rapid changes in the pattern of these flows, broadening them to include tourists, students and professional workers. The flows of people between the two countries have also become two-way flows. China is no longer an exporter of labour, but has become a magnet attracting foreign talent.
Chinese Canadians are as diversified within their groups as Canadian society is overall, though Chinese Canadians remain more visible in certain locations, schools, occupations and industries.
Nor can Canada afford to ignore the growing body of Canadians, native-born or naturalized, who choose to live in China, an emerging global powerhouse. More fundamentally, Canadian communities in China can play an important role and potentially be of great benefit to Canada.
While there are many challenges that arise from the growth of such diaspora-like populations at home and abroad, the phenomenon of international labour mobility, especially of the most talented and, sometimes, the most notoriousis here to stay. The challenge for policy-makers is to take a holistic and multi-generational view of transnational citizens, rather than to treat international mobility as a problem.
Currently the flow of people between Canada and China is unmatched by that between China and any other member state of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. Seen in this light, the human capital nexus is a unique focal point for relations between Ottawa and Beijing.
While other countries are lining up to sign trade and investment deals with China, Canada can go a step further and investigate the possibility of an agreement in the arena based on this human platform. Such an agreement could encompass issues such as citizenship, visas, education and training, professional accreditation, social security, taxation and even extradition. Given the large number of Canadians and Chinese with deep connections across the Pacific, it is a certainty that these bilateral issues will become bigger policy challenges for both Beijing and Ottawa in the years ahead.
There is an opportunity now to address these issues in a comprehensive fashion and to turn potential problems into competitive advantages for the bilateral relationship. Bibliography References Anderssen, Erin. Aydemir, Abdurrahman, and Chris Robinson. Citizenship and Immigration Canada. Facts and Figures Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada. Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade. Guo, Shibao, and Don J. Institute of International Education. Portraits of a Challenge: