Marxism-Leninists view bourgeois nationalism under the given historical conditions. Drawing a distinction between its different objective roles, they decide what. also advocates the voluntary association and voluntary separation of all nations. Such is the basic principle and programme of proletarian internationalism for . why a sharp line must be drawn between proletarian internationalism and its. The senses of nationalism and internationalism are ordained from opposite poles . So, differences are inevitable between them. Conflicts are.
Therefore the proletariat, with the aim of overthrowing the rule of imperialism and the feudal forces, should collaborate with this bourgeois nationalism which plays a defiantly anti-imperialist and anti-feudal role provided, as Lenin said, that these allies do not hinder us in educating and organizing the peasantry and the broad masses of theexploited people in a revolutionary spirit.
The clearest example of this type of collaboration was that which existed between the Chinese Communists and Sun Yat-sen. In the former period, it came under the category of old democracy, that is, it remained within the scope of bourgeois democratic revolution of the old world and was a part of the bourgeois and capitalist world revolution.
In the latter period, however, it belonged to New Democracy, that is it pertained to the scope of new bourgeois democratic revolution and was a part of the proletarian Socialist world revolution.
His opposition to the current rulers of China, the Manchu Dynasty, had a progressive character. Yet the Greater Han-ism he advocated had a reactionary character. He then revised his nationalism characterized by Greater Han-ism and turned toward revolutionary nationalism characterized by his active opposition to imperialist aggression and his adoption of the three policies of alliance with the Soviet Union, alliance with the Chinese Communist Party and support for the workers and peasants.
Thus he turned toward New Democracy and we Communists therefore adopted the policy of collaborating with him. This collaboration was absolutely correct and necessary for national liberation and was in accord with the interests of the proletariat at the time, even though it was an unreliable, temporary and unstable alliance which was later undermined by the shameless betrayers of Dr.
This was an excellent illustration of the progressive character of revolutionary bourgeois nationalism in colonial and semi-colonial countries during the new era of world Socialist revolution.
It was of enormous revolutionary significance. They swung from the anti-imperialist struggle to capitulation to imperialism, from alliance with the Soviet Union to struggling against it, from unity with the Chinese Communist Party to attacks on the Party, from supporting the workers and the peasants to slaughtering them.
It therefore became necessary for the Communist party, in order to defend the interests of the nation, to adopt a firm policy of opposition to the Kuomintang reactionaries, who were headed by Chiang Kai-shek and Wang Ching-wei. If this were not done, it would be a grave mistake. On the other hand, the communists in these countries should enter into an anti-imperialist alliance with that section of the national bourgeoisie which is still opposing imperialism and which does not oppose the anti-imperialist struggle of the masses of the people.
Should the Communists fail to do so in earnest, should they to the contrary, oppose or reject such an alliance, it would also constitute a grave mistake. Such an alliance must be established in all sincerity, even if should be of an unreliable, temporary and unstable nature. The experience of the revolution in other countries as well as in China fully confirms the correctness of the scientific Marxist-Leninist conclusion that the national question is closely linked with the class question and the national struggle within the class struggle.
An historical analysis of class relations reveals why in certain periods, one country is oppressed by another and becomes a colony or semi-colony of imperialism; why national traitors may appear in such a country, not only from the ranks of the feudal classes, but also form the ranks of the bourgeoisie - for instance, form the ranks of compradore, bureaucratic bourgeoisie in China.
Such an analysis also reveals under what conditions, and under the leadership of which class, national liberation can be achieved. It advocates the complete equality of all nations large or small, strong or weak both at home and in the family of nations, and it also advocates the voluntary association and voluntary separation of all nations.
Such is the proletarian-internationalist concept of the nation and the class basis on which it is founded. Such is the basic principle and programme of proletarian internationalism for dealing with the national question throughout the world.
Guided by the foregoing principles, Communists in all oppressed nations have always constituted the staunchest vanguard fighters leading the anti-imperialist national liberation movements of the oppressed nations.
Nationalism or Internationalism?: Nationalism Vs Internationalism
For example, we Chinese Communists are thorough proletarian internationalists and are, at the same time, revolutionary patriots and revolutionary national fighters, most staunchly opposing all imperialist aggression against the Chinese nation, defending the freedom and independence of our fatherland and opposing all traitors. In China, it was the party of the Chinese proletariat, and not the party of the bourgeoisie or the petty-bourgeoisie, that first raised a clear-cut programme for fighting against imperialism and for national independence.
Our Communist Party of China has always been the leader and organiser of the anti-imperialist national united front of the Chinese people. The scale of this national united front embraces workers, peasants, intellectuals, the petty-bourgeoisie, the national bourgeoisie and even the progressive gentry. This revolutionary national liberation movement is not in contradiction to proletarian internationalism, but it is entirely consistent with it. It constitutes an extremely integral part of the movement of proletarian internationalism, constituting its broadest direct ally.
The victory of this national liberation movement is a great step forward along the path of the proletarian internationalist cause, for it gives great aid and impetus to the socialist revolution of the proletariat throughout the world.
Furthermore, Communists will be betraying the proletariat and Communism and playing the game of the imperialists all over the world and will make themselves pawns of the imperialists, if, after their own nation has been freed from imperialist oppression, the Communists descend to a position of bourgeois nationalism, carrying out a policy of national selfishness and sacrificing common international interests of the upper stratum of their own nation; or if they not only fail to oppose imperialism but on the contrary rely on imperialist aid to carry out aggression and oppression against other nations; or if they employ national conservatism and exclusive ideas to oppose proletarian internationalism, to reject the international unity of the proletariat and the working people and to oppose the Socialist Soviet Union.
The Tito clique in Yugoslavia is now taking this path.
Internationalism and Nationalism
Guided by the foregoing principles, the Communists in all oppressor nations, in all imperialist countries, have always staunchly and unconditionally opposed aggression and oppression against colonial and semi-colonial countries by the rulers of their own nations— the imperialist clique.
The Communist of these countries have used every means to give unconditional aid to national liberation movements in the colonies and semi-colonies.
They advocate complete independence and complete emancipation of the colonial and semi-colonial countries from the imperialist control of their own countries.
As staunch nationalists [A]they resolutely oppose the imperialists of their own countries who carry out oppression and aggression against India, Malaya, the Philippines, Indonesia, Viet-Nam, China, Central and South America, Africa and other colonial and semi-colonial countries.
They consistently fight for and help the oppressed nations attain independence and liberation. They understand that without such national liberation movements which sap, weaken and undermine the foundations of imperialist domintarion, it would be extremely difficult for the proletariat of the imperialist countries to achieve victory in the struggle against monopoly capital and to atain its emancipation.
Hence, aid for the liberation movements of the colonial and semi-colonial countries is, at the same time, aid for the cause of the emancipation of the proletariat in the imperialist countries.
For example, as soon as the October Revolution in Russia had overthrown the Czar and the bourgeois provisional government and gained power, Lenin and Stalin, for the first time in the history of mankind, immediately proclaimed the abrogation of all unequal treaties which Czarist Russia had imposed upon China and other countries, abolished the whole system of enslavement which Russian imperialism had imposed on its colonies and semi-colonies and proclaimed the complete equality of all nationalities within the country.
This is the correct application of the great principles of proletarian internationalism. For example, the representatives of the labour aristocracy who have been bought off by imperialism — the Right wing of the Social-Democratic parties in various countries and the Right-wing of the British Labour Party — belong to this type of proletarian renegade. However, under certain historical conditions, oppressor nations may become oppressed nations. A case in point is when Hitler invaded and conquored France, Belgium and Holland.
Then in contrast to bourgeois national traitors, the Communists of those countries, guided by the foregoing principles placed themselves heroically in the very forefront of the national restence in the fight against the fascist aggressors.
The same European countries ensalved by the Marshall Plan of American imperilaism may serve as another example. The reactionary bourgeoisie of these countries, at the same time, also continues to suppress the national revolutionary struggles in the colonies with the aid of American imperialism.