The Relationship of France and Algeria - The Algerian Story
France's National Army Museum in Paris is currently hosting a new address what this dark period did for relations between the two countries. How involved was France in Algerian affairs post-revolution? The relationship between Algeria and France exemplified the postcolonial relationship seen in. French leader Emmanuel Macron made waves when he visited Algeria official trip--is to “reshape” the relationship between the two countries.
In May a demonstration for French Algeria, led by Pieds-Noirs but including many Muslims, occupied an Algerian government building. General Massu controlled the riot by forming a Committee of Public Safety demanding that his acquaintance Charles de Gaulle be named president of the French Fourth Republicto prevent the "abandonment of Algeria". This eventually led to the fall of the Republic. In response, the French Parliament voted to to place de Gaulle in power.
Once de Gaulle assumed leadership, he attempted peace by visiting Algeria within three days of his appointment claiming "French Algeria! This paramilitary group began attacking officials representing de Gaulle's authority, Muslims, and de Gaulle himself.
Time to move on from Algeria's colonial past, says France's Macron | Reuters
The OAS was also accused of murders and bombings nullifying reconciliation opportunities between the communities,  while 'Pieds-Noirs' themselves never believed such reconciliation possible as their community was targeted from the start.
In July, Algerians voted 5, to 16, to become independent from France. This was an occasion for a massacre of 'Pieds-Noirs' in Oran by a suburban Muslim population. European people were shot, molested and brought to Petit-Lac slaughterhouse where they were tortured and executed. Algeria experienced a high level of dependency on France in the first years after the revolution and a conflicting desire to be free of that dependency.
The already established trade links, the lack of experienced Algerian government officials, and the military presence provided for in the Evian Accords ending the War of Independence ensured the continuance of French influence.
France supplied much-needed financial assistance, a steady supply of essential imports, and technical personnel. French military units were almost immediately pulled out. France, although apparently willing to maintain cooperative relations, was overlooked as Algeria, eager to exploit its new independence, looked to other trade partners. Shortly afterward, Algerian interest in resuming French-Algerian relations resurfaced. France wanted to preserve its privileged position in the strategically and economically important Algerian nation, and Algeria hoped to receive needed technical and financial assistance.
French intervention in the Western Sahara against the Polisario and its lack of Algerian oil purchases, leading to a trade imbalance in the late s strained relations and defeated efforts toward bilateral rapprochement.
In Benjedid was the first Algerian leader to be invited to France on an official tour, but relations did not greatly improve. Nationalized Algerian gas companies, in attempting to equalize natural gas export prices with those of its neighbors, alienated French buyers in the late s and early s, however. Later gas agreements resulted in a vast growth of bilateral trade into the billions of dollars. Further disputes over natural gas pricing in the late s led to a drastic drop in French-Algerian imports and exports.
Fifty years after Algeria's independence, France is still in denial
The former fell more than 10 billion French francs, the latter 12 billion French francs between and A new price accord in resurrected cooperative ties. The new agreement provided substantial French financial assistance to correct trade imbalances and guaranteed French purchasing commitments and Algerian oil and gas prices.
French support for Benjedid's government throughout the difficult period in when the government appeared especially precarious and subsequent support for economic and political liberalization in Algeria expedited improved French-Algerian relations. Finally, rapprochement with Moroccoa number of joint economic ventures between France and Algeria, and the establishment of the UMA relaxed some of the remaining tensions.
French policies toward Algerian immigrants have been inconsistent, and French popular sentiment has generally been unfavorable toward its Arab population. The French government has vacillated between sweeping commitments to "codevelopment," involving extensive social networks for emigrant Algerian laborers, and support of strict regulations concerning work and study permits, random searches for legal papers, and expeditious deportation without appeal in the event of irregularities.
North African communities in France remain relatively isolated, and chronic problems persist for Algerians trying to obtain housing, education, and employment. A number of racially motivated incidents occur each year between North African emigrants and French police and citizens. Before the revolution, Algerians players who displayed footballing excellence were called up to the French national team and were able to represent France in major competitions such as the FIFA World Cup.
However, following the revolution, Algeria lacked the resources and infrastructure to properly develop young Algerian players and levied this responsibility on France and used France as an incubator of some sort. The upside of this dynamic was that Algerian players were able to gain essential football training and experience.
However, the cream of the crop of Algerian players as a result were funneled into the French national team. France was quick to exercise the dual citizenship right of these Algerian players since they were of great value. Several Algerian players, including the legendary Zinedine Zidane, have brought much praise and glory to France and France has always been quick to highlight the French identity of these players as they excelled, while ignoring their Algerian heritage or highlighting it when they make mistakes.
My father told me about compatriots the same age as him who were hanged from trees by police in the Vincennes woods.
One of the lynchings made a small item in the then Manchester Guardian in early under the headline "Strange fruit in the trees", the headline taken from the lyrics most famously performed by Billie Holiday about African American hangings. More incongruous still, the anecdote was in a column entitled "La vie Parisienne" — one which usually focused on artists honing their talent in the City of Light.
Macron visits Algeria in a bid to reset relations
So it was that the so-called ratonnades — another sinister term referring to violence specifically directed at north Africans — were relegated to quirky corners of the press. The killing by police of more Algerians on a single day in Paris in October was similarly under-reported.
Many were thrown into the Seine and left to drown. Some 10, more were rounded up inside the city sports stadiums and attacked; torture methods included victims being forced to drink bleach.
It did not stop there.
France and Algeria
Masses of disaffected Algerians had been imported to rebuild post-second-world-war France on low wages, and the influx continued after the Algerian war. Most were stuck in rundown out-of-town housing estates where, today, their children and grandchildren continue to face anti-Muslim discrimination on the margins of the republic.
But this week the authorities will focus on the "positive aspects" of colonialism — the sort schools are now obliged to teach by law. It imposes an "official" view of history, whitewashing the crimes France's erstwhile empire inflicted on Algerians.Algeria and SA meet on economic and political relations
France's National Army Museum in Paris is currently hosting a new exhibition about the "complicated" decades of French colonial rule.