Relationship between fascism nationalism in africa

Apartheid, Fascism and the Golden Age - Persée

relationship between fascism nationalism in africa

On how notions of pan-Africanist identity, post-apartheid liberation ideology and demographics are coalescing to give rise to African fascist. electoral politics in apartheid South Africa, the similarities between classical some fascist influence among groups to the right of the Nationalists such as the. La Spada dell'Islam: Northern African Reaction to Fascist Interference during the .. Tunisia and the relationship between Tunisian nationalist parties and Italy.

The Mbeki-Zuma decade of decline has not so much harmed the democratic and social project as halted it and, by so doing, resurfaced the old structures of injustice and resentment that have marked this land since early colonialism. They also happen to be young, uneducated and angry. Into this potent mix steps a brutal and charismatic African unapologetically seeking power and pleasure.

It is the alter ego of a political generation of Africans who hold a collective set of expectations and disappointments. The Economic Freedom Fighters is the mechanism through which the third factor in the three-part recipe for mass mobilisation lies — a collective narrative of why things are so, complete with heroes, villains and a climatic endgame.

Of course, real life does not work that way and nations do not develop on the basis of mere imagery and drama. Instead, they rise out of the nexus of productivity, innovation and contextual necessity.

That said, political movements have been known to crescendo on mere promises. In this view, the scene is set for the rise of a new form of fascist nationalism, with a uniquely African flavour and particular South African focius.

relationship between fascism nationalism in africa

What do you get when a large cohort of a population is young, uneducated, urbanised and politically engaged? When your political culture turns into puppeteering to the tune of populist ultimatums? You end up with a marching militancy which sacrifices individual freedoms for group demands; you end up with blind obedience and irrational scapegoating to construct the singular official narrative and you end up with a sense of superiority rooted in insubordination, which hopes in a future that is perceived to be possible only at the expense of a real or perceived aggressor.

The apparatus of civil and military power is being transformed as speedily as possible so as to ensure that it is a weapon apt to the hand and the intention of the manipulators. The steps that have been taken, the measures being adopted to strengthen the Nationalist grip on the Party machine, and the legislation and regulation already introduced and pending, all show the pattern of a blueprint devised and applied with all the skill and technique in the fascist arsenal.

The whole history of South Africa in the last fifty years has been a sorry tale of agreements violated, of promises unfulfilled, of diminishing rights for the majority and mounting racial oppression. What little rights the non-white peoples have had, have been snatched away from them, and the graph of racial laws has risen rapidly to a number far beyond that of Nazi Germany. The axe is now falling with such rapidity that even some sections of the white population have become alarmed.

Hence the warning of the Rt. Hofmeyr, former deputy Prime Minister, that the new measures may be a prelude to an attack on the rights of some sections of the white people also.

Malan and his Nationalists not only hoped for a Hitlerite victory, but actively worked for it in various ways, the most popular being to threaten all those who supported the war. We bring to your attention the following quotations from the speeches of leading Nationalists: On this point German desires are in agreement with our efforts.

relationship between fascism nationalism in africa

In the second place, Germany would want to negotiate with a Government which is friendly disposed towards her. There is only one such Government possible - the Herenigde Nasionale Party. She is not arming for war, but for the peace because she wants a say in the armistice and wants to be heir to Britain's estate. Strydom, Minister of Lands: We have always been friends of the German people, and the only white country that was our enemy is Britain.

This war started with a war of Hitler, and is ending with a war of God. It is God's war, because it is God's rood over England for all the injustice which England has committed in the world. God is now settling accounts with her, and He is using Hitler for the purpose. We say so not only to the Jingoes, but we say so to the Jews.

You are putting up gallows for the Germans, but beware, the day may come when you yourselves may hang from these same gallows. Malan to describe its oppressive programme for the non-white peoples of South Africa. The stated aim of this policy is to bring about the total political and territorial segregation of the Natives Africansand generally speaking, the complete residential separation of white from non-white, and as far as it is practicable their separation in the industrial field as well.

Conditions in South Africa today make it a vast prison house for four-fifths of the population.

Tropical fascism - Wikipedia

The dignity and status of the individual and all human values are based primarily on the colour of the skin. Only the white can fully exercise the vote, can be elected to any of the legislative bodies, be they national, provincial or municipal, can enjoy freedom of movement and the other elementary liberties, and can inherit the culture of mankind. The man whose skin is dark is barred. An African, from the moment he leaves his reserves is controlled by a rigid and cruel pass system.

He is compelled to carry on his person no less than twelve pieces of paper. Without these pieces of paper he cannot leave his reserve; he cannot obtain a train ticket; he cannot seek work; he cannot enter into a town; he cannot walk the streets after curfew hours, which apply only to Africans; he cannot attend a school and, to all intents and purposes, he can do nothing without a pass.

It is humanly impossible for an African to go through life without falling victim to these pernicious pass laws.

Tropical fascism

A failure to carry any one of these many passes is a criminal offence. The annual average of Pass Laws convictions over a period of years is over themark. This is the reason why South Africa enjoys the reputation of having the largest gaol-going population in the world in proportion to its population. Describing police raids for passes, Oliver Walker, author of Kaffirs are Lively, says: Nightly they fill up with their dark cargoes.

And when the pick-up vans are not on the job, mass raids of locations and hostels keep the jail-yards choked. Michael Scott, a man of high integrity and repute, after an investigation into typical farms in the Bethal district, said: On one farm I found 50 men huddled round open fires with no blankets and only 3 or 4 mattresses in all. Sacks were their only working clothes and they had no boots, though the employer had issued great coats On another farm 25 native labourers were employed and driven to work by sjamboks whips ".

The Africans live on the farms in constant and mortal terror. The land hunger amongst the Africans is appalling. Only 13 percent of the land is reserved for the 7 million Africans, the remainder belongs to the white 2 million.

In the urban areas the laws of the land force the Africans to live in ghettos called Locations. So crowded are these locations that their inhabitants overflow into the unoccupied open spaces where they set up homes of hessian, kerosene tins and split poles. Shocking conditions of sanitation and sordid misery exist in these shanty towns of squatters, overof whom live and die in Johannesburg alone, the richest gold mining city in the world.

To quote Oliver Walker again: The facts available regarding health, disease, education and labour for the non-white people constitute an indictment against any civilised government. Infant mortality amongst the Africans in a typical area has been estimated at per 1, births.

Such figures at best can only be estimates since the collection of vital statistics affecting the non-white people is badly neglected. The average expectation of life for an African is 36 years, compared with 60 years for the white man. The white death rate for tuberculosis in South Africa is the lowest in the world, 32 perThe African death rate from the same disease is estimated at to 1, perin the urban areas. The chief tuberculosis officer of the Union, Dr.

The Union has 40, active cases walking around.

  • Fascism in Africa

The expenditure on the education of white children is 23 per head per year; on African education it is less than 3 per head per year.

There are not more than 20 African doctors, no African engineers, dentists, chemists, engine drivers, etc. Technical education in trades schools and technical institutes and vocational guidance are only for the white, except for a couple of highly inadequate agricultural schools. South Africa is the one country in the world which has actual laws in its statute book preventing the majority of its workers from performing skilled work.

A white mine worker gets 45 to 50 per month, while the black mine worker gets 45s.

relationship between fascism nationalism in africa

Expenditure on prisons and the police force is 3 million, but the Government can only afford 2 million for African education. Dadoo, the South African Indian leader, says: Apartheid only over our dead bodies. Of a population of 11 million people, the tiny minority of two and one quarter million, all Whites, have the full franchise, and have the right to elect and be elected to the legislative bodies of the country.

The great majority, Bantu, Coloured and Indians, are excluded from these fundamental rights of the citizen. The whole apparatus of the State is guided by a dual standard of ethics, one which applies to the white man and another to the non-white, geared and reinforced by innumerable colour-bar laws that intrude into the whole fabric of society and relate to the minute details of human activity.

Even the churches are not free from this policy of racial segregation, in contradiction of their teachings of the brotherhood of man.

All non-White people, including the Indians, are unable to move freely in all parts of South African cities; they may enjoy only those sections of South Africa's beaches, usually the least pleasant, which are set aside for them; they may not be employed in any of the skilled trades; they cannot become engineers, accountants or pharmacists because no European firm will undertake to apprentice a non-European.

The Civil Service is closed to non-Europeans, as are also the technical colleges and most of the universities. They may not use the libraries, cinemas, public transport, public conveniences, post offices, which are so generously provided for the White, and so few and so poor for "Non-Europeans Only".

In politics, in commerce, in industry and in science, in sickness and in health, in culture and in education, the non-White is ostracised and humiliated, as were the Jews of Hitlerite Europe. As in Nazi Germany, the fires of racial hatred are stoked with the fuel of hysterical campaigns of racial hate against Indians, which often eventually lead to beatings. The details contained in the report are nauseating and remind us of the pictures we were shown when the war was in progress.

We were shown the degrading bestiality of the master-race; we were shown how defenceless Jews were battered, assaulted and manhandled, and how the jackboot was applied to nameless men and women. We were led to believe that these things could only happen in the Nazi Reich, but today, two years after the war ended, we have first-class examples of these things. South African Indians For the third time, the Assembly of the United Nations will debate the racial and colour prejudices of the South African Government with particular reference to the treatment of the Indians born in the country, and the fate of South West Africa, which the Malan Government intends to annex.

Twice already the United Nations have passed by large majorities resolutions condemning the Union Government's colour repression policies. Pandit, in a striking address to the plenary session of the United Nations General Assembly insaid: Over many years my Government, irrespective of its constitution and character, has appealed, complained, protested and sought compromises and agreements and has been finally forced into retaliation, to bring the matter before the bar of world opinion.

The Union Government has taken no step and has not given the slightest indication that it contemplates even a temporary suspension of the latest instalment of its offending legislation.

relationship between fascism nationalism in africa

Unless the 54 nations assembled here place on the Charter a meaning and significance far below that which its words convey, then the issue no longer rests with India or South Africa, but with all the nations of the world assembled here. If this was the case, the Charter would be a dead letter, and our professions about a world free from any inequalities of race, free from want and free from fear are an empty mockery. Malan, thus supporting an even more oppressive programme against the Indians and other non-White people.

When the new Government came to power, the Joint Passive Resistance Council of the Natal and Transvaal Indian Congresses suspended the passive resistance struggle against the racial laws of South Africa - a struggle in which over 2, brave men and women were thrown into prison for the crime of defying laws which offend the dignity of the human being.

The two Congresses wrote to the Prime Minister, Dr. Malan, asking him to receive a deputation to ascertain the policy of the new Government regarding the Indians. The Prime Minister rejected the requests for an interview, accusing the Congress bodies of soliciting help from the United Nations Organisation "to incite world opinion against South Africa". He has since declared in Parliament: Therefore the Indians must be satisfied to remain in South Africa under restriction. In the circumstances, the restrictions are justified.

Such methods are very reminiscent of the argument of the fascists. Malan, in his main statement on apartheid in April,said: They can never become part of the country and must therefore be treated as an immigrant community.

Hofmeyr, former deputy Prime Minister. Typical of the violent racialistic expressions are the following, which we quote from the Election Manifesto of Dr.

The O’Malley Archives

Loock, Nationalist candidate in the recent elections: The coolie is not an inmate of this country, but a usurper and exploiter. Millions of people have recently been shifted in Europe to solve racial problems. Why can we not shiftcoolies? Pieterse, warning the White Parliament that he would not tolerate Coloureds or Natives in the House of Assembly, said: There are the Eastern and Western cultures in the world We stand for the preservation of the Western conception and we realise that Western culture and the Herrenvolk conception can only be preserved if segregation is applied.

Being voiceless and voteless, their national organisations, the Natal and Transvaal Indian Congresses, refused a hearing, treated like pariahs in the land of their birth, sought the intervention of UNO.